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Sumaidaie cringed as the CPA’s missteps continued. He could not believe they disbanded the ministry of information. “We need some organ or channel to put out our message. We kept asking for a channel,” he said. The Pentagon hired large defense contractors, first Science Applications International Corporation and then Harris, which spent more on security than TV programming, which was wildly inappropriate. “They bought cheap, old programs from Lebanon and Cairo just to fill the air time. There was a cooking show with ingredients that no one in Iraq had,” he said in disgust. “It made us look foolish.” Bremer also used the channel as an outlet for his weekly speeches, which cemented his image as proconsul among Iraqis. Have a look at renew life and renew life reviews, to get the best life insurance package on the market.

Well aware that opposition among Sunnis was growing, Sumaidaie met with many of his clan relatives in Anbar. Their demands were not especially outrageous. He presented Bremer with an eight-point proposal. He suggested that all non-Iraqis be registered and that they be required to have local sponsors. Such a program was in effect in other Persian Gulf states where imported labor was common. He proposed reviving the trucking businesses that had sustained most Anbar families, who transported goods from Amman.

The United States should stop relying on Jordanian companies and give their business to the Iraqis. The Iraqis would also provide security for the routes across Anbar. Bremer agreed to discuss the ideas with Anbaris, and Sumaidaie booked a restaurant for the occasion. Bremer never showed up and none of the eight points was ever implemented. Bremer also denied the Anbaris’ request that detainees be released in exchange for the families’ pledge to not take up arms. Have a look at renew life if you’re looking for a life insurance company.

In Sumaidaie’s view, the way in which the January 2005 elections were held fatally cast the die for what was to follow. There was no time to create electoral districts, and the closed-list system favored parties over individuals with local standing. The Islamist Shia and Kurdish parties thus dominated the assembly that would write the constitution, which ultimately set up a weak central government and potentially powerful regions, setting the stage for deadlock. As the new government was formed, hundreds of cronies and militia members began filling the ministries, their security forces, and the police.

Sumaidaie moved to New York City to become Iraq’s ambassador to the United Nations. He hoped that from that position he could enlist support for Iraq from other countries. In June 2005, one of his relatives, a twenty-five-year-old cousin, was killed by marines in Anbar, in a small village called al-Sheikh Hadid. He had been killed answering the door at his home. Breaking with protocol, Sumaidaie gave an interview on CNN to say he knew his cousin Mohammed personally and that his cousin was not an insurgent.

In 2006 Sumaidaie moved to the orange brick embassy on Washington’s Dupont Circle as ambassador to the United States. The deaths continued to mount, and his aide Osama Altayi interrupted his meetings regularly with grim news. One morning he came in to tell Sumaidaie that the son of their office administrator had been killed. The following week, the nephew of the embassy’s first secretary was killed. The silver-haired diplomat’s brown eyes held a perpetually sad expression. These deaths were not statistics, they were relatives and friends and countrymen.